The Management of Public Services in Central Asia: Institutional Transformation in Kyrgyzstan by David Scott

The Management of Public Services in Central Asia: Institutional Transformation in Kyrgyzstan by David Scott

Author:David Scott [Scott, David]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Ethnic Studies, Public Policy, Social Policy, Social Science, Political Science, Regional Studies, General
ISBN: 9781317290131
Google: rVOpCwAAQBAJ
Goodreads: 29443797
Publisher: Routledge
Published: 2016-03-02T00:00:00+00:00


5.2.1 Turkey

Turkey began its educational assistance to Kyrgyzstan in 1992, immediately after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Two forces led to Turkey’s support for Kyrgyzstan’s education. First, the West encouraged Turkish involvement because it thought that the Turkish model of secular development and liberal economy was appropriate for Central Asia and might prevent radical Islam becoming established (Hunter, 1996). Second, the Turkish government felt a historic association with Central Asia based on ethnic, cultural, historical, religious and linguistic origins.23

President Ozal of Turkey gave some government money and encouraged Fethulla Gulen to raise funds among expatriate Turkish businessmen to finance schools in Central Asia.24 The government financed three schools, a language centre and a university while Gulen formed the Sebat organisation that financed 17 schools and one university.

The Turkish schools were the first private educational establishments in Kyrgyzstan. The public did not distinguish between the Sebat and the government financed establishments; they were all referred to as Turkish schools. Sebat was a non-profit institution that raised sponsorship from Turkish companies and businessmen, including many living in Germany and the Netherlands. Between 1992 and 2005 Sebat invested US$50 million in the schools and university. Sebat only operated in Kyrgyzstan, but sister organisations were set up throughout Central Asia.

Fethulla Gulen, who founded Sebat in 1991, was the leader of a community within the Nurcu Movement, a Turkish religious organisation (Balci, 2002). His community, known as the Fethullaci Movement, had three goals: the Islamisation of the Turkish nationalist ideology, the Turkification of Islam and the Islamisation of modernity. The Fethullaci Movement operated covertly, did not proselytise but simply demonstrated the virtues of Islam through its actions. It spread the message without expressing it directly. The movement’s aim was to educate and influence the national elite and to establish Islam in Turkey. Some reports say that the teachers in Sebat schools were Islamic missionaries and the schools were instruments to achieve the Fethullaci goals and keep Kyrgyzstan Islamic.

The public statements from the Sebat organisation and the Turkish embassy were that President Ozal wanted Turkey to offer help to the newly independent countries of Central Asia in a way that expressed goodwill, kindness and peace, and was free of political overtones. While the Turkish government was prepared to provide some support from its budget, Ozal wanted to use the Sebat organisation as a vehicle for raising sponsorship.

Former pupils of Sebat schools said that there was never any teaching about religion. The schools made equal arrangements for Muslims to fast during Ramadan and Orthodox Christians to observe Lent. The only ritual was that at the beginning and end of the week they sang the national anthems of Kyrgyzstan and Turkey. Former pupils described their teachers as exemplary people, who dressed modestly, were very caring, acknowledged they were Muslims but never talked about their religion. Two interviewees25 looked back at their schools and remembered a well-organised environment with excellent teachers, who were Muslim. If the schools were missionary organisations, then they probably had achieved their goal. Students



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